In the fifth of a series of articles from inside Burma, the BBC's Kate McGeown looks at the strength of opposition to the country's hardline military government.
In a small house in the Burmese city of Mandalay, three comedians spend their days putting on shows for tourists.
Calling themselves the Moustache Brothers, they perform traditional Burmese vaudeville - a mixture of song, dance and slapstick humour.
But in reality, the show is more about politics than entertainment - and interspersed among their routines are jokes poking fun at life under the country's brutal military regime.
The reason the show is so popular is because it is such a rarity in Burma. Hardly anyone else dares to openly criticise the government, which is not surprising given the likely consequences - long prison sentences, hard labour or worse.
But the Moustache Brothers say they have little to lose; two of them have already served long jail terms and they are reduced to performing at home because they have been banned from all public venues.
"We're on the government blacklist already," said Lu Maw, one of the trio. "There is nothing more the authorities can do to us."
Most Burmese people, though, seem to have decided that after 40 years of military government, it is best to just get on with life rather than protest against the system they are living under.
One man, who was given a two-year jail sentence in the 1960s for being a student demonstrator, told me he had lost the spirit to fight.
Now a successful businessman with a wife and three children, he said: "Since I came out of jail, I've managed to build a life for myself as best I can, and keep out of any trouble - but I'm still very, very worried about my country."
Local resistance
While there is little open defiance, many people are still prepared to do what little they can to register their opposition to the military regime.
"I purposely avoid going to anything the government could use as propaganda, like the opening of a new pagoda or a celebration for something," one man said.
Another man, the head of a rural community, said his entire village stopped every evening to listen to at least one foreign radio broadcast.
"We never miss a day," he said proudly, explaining that it was the only way they could really find out what was happening in Burma because local media was so heavily censored.
But he acknowledged that while the villagers would like to take part in a more active form of resistance, they were simply too scared.
"We're waiting and hoping for change, but what can we do? Look at what the government has done to the Lady [Aung San Suu Kyi]. If they can do that to her, think what they would do to us," he said.
As leader of the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) and daughter of independence hero General Aung San, Ms Suu Kyi is the focal point of Burmese opposition.
Many people consider her the country's rightful leader, because the NLD won national elections in 1990 but the military refused to hand over control.
She has been in some form of detention for 10 of the last 17 years, but however hard the military junta tries to make people forget about her, she remains at the forefront of many Burmese citizens' minds.
"The Lady is our best hope for the future. She is the one person who can unite everyone together," one man told me.
"I totally support the Lady in everything," said another man. "I will always support her and the NLD."
Waiting and hoping
In Ms Suu Kyi's absence, her party campaigns tirelessly for her release and for constructive dialogue with the regime.
"One day the nation will explode, and people will rise up against the government," said NLD spokesman Nyan Win. "Until that day comes, we will continue to push for dialogue and reconciliation."
But there are some people in Burma who say the NLD is too idealistic. "They won't compromise on anything, so nothing changes," said a Rangoon activist.
"It's got to the point where many people in Burma are just waiting for outside help to overthrow the regime, rather than doing what they can right now, to change things from within," he said.
Waiting is something the Burmese are getting very good at. After more than four decades of military rule, there is still no end in sight.
But whether they actively opposed the government or not, I found that the vast majority of people I spoke to still dared to hope that things could get better.
"One day I'm going to perform properly again," said Moustache Brother Lu Maw.
"Maybe this street will become like Broadway or the West End," he joked, looking out at the dusty alley he lives in.
The Moustache Brothers - and in fact everyone in Burma - know they have a long way to go for their dreams of democracy and freedom to be realised.
But despite everything, they have still not given up.
Wednesday, August 22
In the fourth of a series from inside Burma, the BBC's Kate McGeown looks at how the government's abrupt decision to move its capital is affecting local people.
When Burma's military rulers began moving their seat of power to a semi-rural area near the town of Pyinmana last year, many people were mystified.
"I don't understand why they decided to leave Rangoon," said one man in the former capital.
"I don't know why they wanted to come here," added a villager not far from the site of the new city.
Many people said they had hoped the move would not actually happen, once the cost and complication became clear.
But now it seems there is no going back. The opening ceremony took place in March, and several locals who have seen the site - which the ruling junta has christened Naypyidaw (Seat of Kings) - said that half the buildings had been completed and were open for business.
But the new capital is not open to everyone. Almost all foreigners, especially journalists, are strictly forbidden from going anywhere near it.
Most ordinary Burmese are also denied access, and two Rangoon-based reporters were given three-year jail terms for attempting to film the area.
Precious cargo
To local people living near the site, many of whom are farmers and agricultural workers, the whole situation must be bewildering.
Until last year they were living in a rural hinterland. Now they are ploughing fields and raising cattle not far from their country's capital.
"I keep seeing new buildings, but I don't know what they're for," said one young woman on the outskirts of the city.
Those living along the main road to Pyinmana have got used to seeing large trucks laden with construction materials passing by, as well as cars carrying important members of the military.
"If you're driving down the road at the time they come past, you have to pull over and let them pass," said one woman.
Other people have been affected more directly by the move. One man said some of his neighbours had been thrown out of their homes, and had their land repossessed, with no compensation.
"I'm really scared that will happen to me, too," he said quietly.
Then there is the issue of who exactly is constructing the new capital. Definite evidence is hard to come by, but there are strong suspicions that the government is using forced labour.
"I've spoken to people who have fled Pyinmana, and have now come over the border into Thailand," said Maung Maung, the general secretary of the Federation of Trade Unions in Burma. "They say they were forcibly made to work on the roads, and clear areas of bush."
'Transfer of power'
Back in Rangoon, there are few obvious signs that the city is no longer the country's capital.
The one direct impact on local people is that the electricity supply - which was already erratic before the move - has now become even more unreliable.
"They've spent millions on the new capital. As a result, the services in Rangoon like electricity are getting worse and worse, but Pyinmana is all lit up," said one Western diplomat. "Locals joke that a 'transfer of power' has taken place."
Behind the scenes, there are other problems too. NGO workers and diplomats say the move is slowing down the process of government.
"Everything is taking twice as long, because you have to go to Pyinmana to get your documents stamped," the diplomat said. "There are containers stacked up in the ports because the necessary paperwork hasn't been signed."
Anyone who visits a government office in Rangoon will quickly notice something has changed. One businessman said that when he went to the Ministry of Culture for a meeting, he found it was virtually empty except for a few stray dogs and children playing games.
The ministers and officials might have gone to Pyinmana, but few seem to have gone willingly. Many were given little or no notice, and had to leave their families behind.
There are reports of several people retiring early, and rumours that an entire government department tried - and failed - to resign en masse.
In fact, many analysts say the enforced move was probably one of the main reasons government salaries were suddenly increased in April - in an attempt to persuade people to stay in their jobs.
Since the announcement of the capital move last November, there has been intense speculation about the reasoning behind it.
Some believe the military wants to move further inland for fear of a foreign attack. Others say that Burma's most senior military general, Than Shwe, wants to emulate the kings of old by building a new capital in his honour.
Others even say it could be due to the advice of fortune-tellers, who play a central role in Burmese life.
So I asked a local soothsayer if the capital move would bring good luck.
After studying his charts and making some calculations, he remained unconvinced.
But whatever the future holds for Burma, it looks likely that a former agricultural backwater near Pyinmana is set to play a pivotal role.
When Burma's military rulers began moving their seat of power to a semi-rural area near the town of Pyinmana last year, many people were mystified.
"I don't understand why they decided to leave Rangoon," said one man in the former capital.
"I don't know why they wanted to come here," added a villager not far from the site of the new city.
Many people said they had hoped the move would not actually happen, once the cost and complication became clear.
But now it seems there is no going back. The opening ceremony took place in March, and several locals who have seen the site - which the ruling junta has christened Naypyidaw (Seat of Kings) - said that half the buildings had been completed and were open for business.
But the new capital is not open to everyone. Almost all foreigners, especially journalists, are strictly forbidden from going anywhere near it.
Most ordinary Burmese are also denied access, and two Rangoon-based reporters were given three-year jail terms for attempting to film the area.
Precious cargo
To local people living near the site, many of whom are farmers and agricultural workers, the whole situation must be bewildering.
Until last year they were living in a rural hinterland. Now they are ploughing fields and raising cattle not far from their country's capital.
"I keep seeing new buildings, but I don't know what they're for," said one young woman on the outskirts of the city.
Those living along the main road to Pyinmana have got used to seeing large trucks laden with construction materials passing by, as well as cars carrying important members of the military.
"If you're driving down the road at the time they come past, you have to pull over and let them pass," said one woman.
Other people have been affected more directly by the move. One man said some of his neighbours had been thrown out of their homes, and had their land repossessed, with no compensation.
"I'm really scared that will happen to me, too," he said quietly.
Then there is the issue of who exactly is constructing the new capital. Definite evidence is hard to come by, but there are strong suspicions that the government is using forced labour.
"I've spoken to people who have fled Pyinmana, and have now come over the border into Thailand," said Maung Maung, the general secretary of the Federation of Trade Unions in Burma. "They say they were forcibly made to work on the roads, and clear areas of bush."
'Transfer of power'
Back in Rangoon, there are few obvious signs that the city is no longer the country's capital.
The one direct impact on local people is that the electricity supply - which was already erratic before the move - has now become even more unreliable.
"They've spent millions on the new capital. As a result, the services in Rangoon like electricity are getting worse and worse, but Pyinmana is all lit up," said one Western diplomat. "Locals joke that a 'transfer of power' has taken place."
Behind the scenes, there are other problems too. NGO workers and diplomats say the move is slowing down the process of government.
"Everything is taking twice as long, because you have to go to Pyinmana to get your documents stamped," the diplomat said. "There are containers stacked up in the ports because the necessary paperwork hasn't been signed."
Anyone who visits a government office in Rangoon will quickly notice something has changed. One businessman said that when he went to the Ministry of Culture for a meeting, he found it was virtually empty except for a few stray dogs and children playing games.
The ministers and officials might have gone to Pyinmana, but few seem to have gone willingly. Many were given little or no notice, and had to leave their families behind.
There are reports of several people retiring early, and rumours that an entire government department tried - and failed - to resign en masse.
In fact, many analysts say the enforced move was probably one of the main reasons government salaries were suddenly increased in April - in an attempt to persuade people to stay in their jobs.
Since the announcement of the capital move last November, there has been intense speculation about the reasoning behind it.
Some believe the military wants to move further inland for fear of a foreign attack. Others say that Burma's most senior military general, Than Shwe, wants to emulate the kings of old by building a new capital in his honour.
Others even say it could be due to the advice of fortune-tellers, who play a central role in Burmese life.
So I asked a local soothsayer if the capital move would bring good luck.
After studying his charts and making some calculations, he remained unconvinced.
But whatever the future holds for Burma, it looks likely that a former agricultural backwater near Pyinmana is set to play a pivotal role.
In the third article of a special series from inside Burma, the BBC's Kate McGeown looks at the military government's record of caring for the health and education of its citizens.
Burma's hospitals and schools are secretive places.
Much of what goes on inside these tightly controlled buildings remains a mystery to the outside world.
But indications from the few people prepared to risk speaking out paint a disturbing picture.
One doctor described long queues of patients, many with the classic diseases of poverty such as TB, malaria and water-borne illnesses.
She said she was often unable to give people the treatment they needed, because the drugs were either too expensive or impossible to obtain.
"I get upset sometimes, but then I'm also used to it - every day's the same," she said.
Burma's military junta has been ruling the country for four decades, during which time many other South East Asian nations have seen dramatic improvements in their economies, government services and standards of living.
But many analysts believe that since it came to power, the Burmese government has done little to improve basic services, preferring to spend money on the military and expensive projects like building a new capital.
The World Health Organization estimates that Burma spends $10 per person per year on healthcare, compared with its neighbours Thailand and Malaysia, which spend $160 and $218 respectively.
One NGO estimated that the actual Burmese figure was even lower - more like $0.50.
The results of such policies are obvious. An estimated 150,000 Burmese children under the age of five die every year of malaria, acute respiratory infections and diarrhoea.
"There is no question that the government is not caring adequately for its people," one aid worker said.
Fight against HIV
Not all the news is bad, though. In the past few years, the authorities have increased their co-operation with local and foreign NGOs to tackle the spread of HIV/Aids - and according to UNAids, there have been some concrete results.
Condom use has tripled since 1999, needle exchange programmes are far more prevalent than a few years ago, and more people are both seeking and obtaining treatment.
But Burma still has one of the most serious HIV/Aids epidemics in South East Asia. UNAids estimates that 360,000 Burmese people are currently living with the disease - and other organisations put the figure as high as 600,000.
Despite these successes, there is evidently a long way to go in raising awareness, judging from one man who was brave enough to talk to me about his experiences.
Not only did he risk the wrath of the authorities - like everyone else I spoke to - he also risked exposing himself to the discrimination that comes from having a disease which is still seen as a taboo subject.
"There is a lot of discrimination," he admitted. "I used to share a flat with a friend, but when he found out I had HIV, he made me leave.
"Another man I know used to own a business, but when people found out, no one would buy anything from him anymore."
The man I spoke to is somewhat unusual, in that he is being given free anti-retroviral drugs - a rare luxury in Burma.
"I am one of the lucky ones," he admitted, adding that many Burmese died of Aids without ever knowing there was an alternative.
Education and propaganda
If little is known about healthcare, even less is known about Burma's schooling system.
Because of past student uprisings, the government sees schools and universities as potential hotbeds of dissent, and is therefore especially vigilant at keeping them free from prying eyes.
In fact, according to most of the teachers who were prepared to speak, the government seems to put more energy into stopping outsiders getting into schools than it does on educating the children inside them.
"I have about 80 children in my class," said one woman. "I have to shout so everyone can hear.
Much of a teacher's time is taken up with fulfilling government requests.
"I spent a lot of time being involved in government propaganda," said a woman who left the teaching profession last year in frustration.
"I kept being told to take the children outside to wait for hours at a time, so they could wave flags when important people came past."
The result is that many children leave school without an adequate education.
There are glimmers of hope, though, for even the poorest students.
A few charitable schools operate around the country. One in Mandalay provides free education to nearly 6,000 children.
Passing tourists are welcome to visit, and foreign volunteers are actively sought to help teach English.
It is a refreshing change from the majority of Burmese schools, where the doors remain firmly shut - not only to outsiders, but also to the hopes of Burmese children who want to improve their lives.
Burma's hospitals and schools are secretive places.
Much of what goes on inside these tightly controlled buildings remains a mystery to the outside world.
But indications from the few people prepared to risk speaking out paint a disturbing picture.
One doctor described long queues of patients, many with the classic diseases of poverty such as TB, malaria and water-borne illnesses.
She said she was often unable to give people the treatment they needed, because the drugs were either too expensive or impossible to obtain.
"I get upset sometimes, but then I'm also used to it - every day's the same," she said.
Burma's military junta has been ruling the country for four decades, during which time many other South East Asian nations have seen dramatic improvements in their economies, government services and standards of living.
But many analysts believe that since it came to power, the Burmese government has done little to improve basic services, preferring to spend money on the military and expensive projects like building a new capital.
The World Health Organization estimates that Burma spends $10 per person per year on healthcare, compared with its neighbours Thailand and Malaysia, which spend $160 and $218 respectively.
One NGO estimated that the actual Burmese figure was even lower - more like $0.50.
The results of such policies are obvious. An estimated 150,000 Burmese children under the age of five die every year of malaria, acute respiratory infections and diarrhoea.
"There is no question that the government is not caring adequately for its people," one aid worker said.
Fight against HIV
Not all the news is bad, though. In the past few years, the authorities have increased their co-operation with local and foreign NGOs to tackle the spread of HIV/Aids - and according to UNAids, there have been some concrete results.
Condom use has tripled since 1999, needle exchange programmes are far more prevalent than a few years ago, and more people are both seeking and obtaining treatment.
But Burma still has one of the most serious HIV/Aids epidemics in South East Asia. UNAids estimates that 360,000 Burmese people are currently living with the disease - and other organisations put the figure as high as 600,000.
Despite these successes, there is evidently a long way to go in raising awareness, judging from one man who was brave enough to talk to me about his experiences.
Not only did he risk the wrath of the authorities - like everyone else I spoke to - he also risked exposing himself to the discrimination that comes from having a disease which is still seen as a taboo subject.
"There is a lot of discrimination," he admitted. "I used to share a flat with a friend, but when he found out I had HIV, he made me leave.
"Another man I know used to own a business, but when people found out, no one would buy anything from him anymore."
The man I spoke to is somewhat unusual, in that he is being given free anti-retroviral drugs - a rare luxury in Burma.
"I am one of the lucky ones," he admitted, adding that many Burmese died of Aids without ever knowing there was an alternative.
Education and propaganda
If little is known about healthcare, even less is known about Burma's schooling system.
Because of past student uprisings, the government sees schools and universities as potential hotbeds of dissent, and is therefore especially vigilant at keeping them free from prying eyes.
In fact, according to most of the teachers who were prepared to speak, the government seems to put more energy into stopping outsiders getting into schools than it does on educating the children inside them.
"I have about 80 children in my class," said one woman. "I have to shout so everyone can hear.
Much of a teacher's time is taken up with fulfilling government requests.
"I spent a lot of time being involved in government propaganda," said a woman who left the teaching profession last year in frustration.
"I kept being told to take the children outside to wait for hours at a time, so they could wave flags when important people came past."
The result is that many children leave school without an adequate education.
There are glimmers of hope, though, for even the poorest students.
A few charitable schools operate around the country. One in Mandalay provides free education to nearly 6,000 children.
Passing tourists are welcome to visit, and foreign volunteers are actively sought to help teach English.
It is a refreshing change from the majority of Burmese schools, where the doors remain firmly shut - not only to outsiders, but also to the hopes of Burmese children who want to improve their lives.
In the second article of a special series from inside Burma, the BBC's Kate McGeown looks at the day-to-day problems facing ordinary people under the country's repressive military regime.
"I hate my life here. I'm just surviving one day at a time," a Burmese taxi driver said sadly, as he stopped to pay a bribe at yet another roadside checkpoint.
"Everything's so difficult. Prices keep going up, and there's too little fuel and electricity.
"There are so many restrictions on everything I want to do... and so much corruption," he said, handing some money to a surly teenager.
For most people in Burma, life under the military government is far from easy.
A farm worker told me he was lucky if he earned 1,000 kyats ($0.80) a day. Some days he earns half that. "I have enough to buy some poor-quality rice for my family, but not much else," he said.
What angers many people is that Burma has plentiful natural resources and was once one of the richest countries in South East Asia, before decades of military rule stifled the economy.
The situation has got far worse in recent months, because of a government decision to increase the salaries of state employees, in some cases by more than 10 times.
"Everyone knew the government couldn't afford it," said a Burmese journalist.
The result was predictable - locals estimate that prices have gone up by more than 30% since April, making it harder for ordinary people to make ends meet.
Andrew Kirkwood, the director of Save the Children in Burma, said malnutrition was a "serious problem", with half the children under five in some areas of Burma thought to be chronically malnourished.
"In some parts of the country, the situation is as bad as we've seen in sub-Saharan Africa," he said.
A man from the western state of Rakhaing said he had even heard reports of farmers selling their babies to child traffickers in exchange for food.
Two-tier system
But the problems that the Burmese face go much deeper than just a lack of money. There is a huge disparity between those allied to the ruling elite and the rest of the population - a distinction which permeates every aspect of day-to-day life.
For many goods, there is a two-tier pricing system. If you know someone influential, you can buy at the government price.
If not, you have to resort to the black market, which is at least twice as expensive.
One of the hottest properties at the moment is a telephone. The black market price is about $3,000 - way beyond most people's means.
Petrol is another commodity where the black market reigns supreme. An ordinary citizen is only allowed two gallons (nine litres) per day at the government price - and even then, queuing can sometimes take hours.
But there always seems to be plenty of petrol at the many black market stands throughout the country. "We're being robbed," one man said.
This climate of semi-official corruption has become so entrenched that whole swathes of the population earn their living from it.
To send a letter, you need to find a friendly "agent" who will make sure it is not pocketed by a postal worker. If you want to avoid paying constant traffic fines, or your child to do well at school, it is vital to know the right people and pay the right price.
Strange decrees
Burma's military rulers make their presence felt in other ways, too. Permission needs to be sought for almost every aspect of life.
"Everything I do is restricted," one man said. "Where I go, what I do, who I see... The authorities even have to give permission if I want anyone to stay the night."
The media, too, is heavily censored. "You only see two colours on TV - orange (for the Buddhist religion) and green (for the military)," said a former television employee.
The government is also unpredictable, and many people fall foul of policies that seem to change at whim.
"One minute farmers are told to grow potatoes to export to India," said a local NGO worker. "The next minute the authorities won't allow it, and all that investment has been wasted."
The latest government campaign is an initiative to grow nut trees, not only as a source of bio fuel but also because government fortune-tellers believe they will shore up the military's power.
Other government decisions, though, are far more sinister. Groups such as the International Labour Organization claim that the Burmese junta continues to use forced labour for its often ambitious construction projects.
Sometimes villagers are even thought to be co-opted as "porters" by the military, many being maimed or killed by landmines as they are made to trek through conflict areas ahead of the soldiers.
Despite living under one of the most draconian regimes in the world, some Burmese people still manage to find time for life's pleasures.
I spoke to a man in his early 20s who, over the last few months, has been using the rare moments of electricity to charge batteries so he can watch the World Cup.
I can imagine him now, glued to a television screen, escaping for a few precious hours from the chaos around him.
"I hate my life here. I'm just surviving one day at a time," a Burmese taxi driver said sadly, as he stopped to pay a bribe at yet another roadside checkpoint.
"Everything's so difficult. Prices keep going up, and there's too little fuel and electricity.
"There are so many restrictions on everything I want to do... and so much corruption," he said, handing some money to a surly teenager.
For most people in Burma, life under the military government is far from easy.
A farm worker told me he was lucky if he earned 1,000 kyats ($0.80) a day. Some days he earns half that. "I have enough to buy some poor-quality rice for my family, but not much else," he said.
What angers many people is that Burma has plentiful natural resources and was once one of the richest countries in South East Asia, before decades of military rule stifled the economy.
The situation has got far worse in recent months, because of a government decision to increase the salaries of state employees, in some cases by more than 10 times.
"Everyone knew the government couldn't afford it," said a Burmese journalist.
The result was predictable - locals estimate that prices have gone up by more than 30% since April, making it harder for ordinary people to make ends meet.
Andrew Kirkwood, the director of Save the Children in Burma, said malnutrition was a "serious problem", with half the children under five in some areas of Burma thought to be chronically malnourished.
"In some parts of the country, the situation is as bad as we've seen in sub-Saharan Africa," he said.
A man from the western state of Rakhaing said he had even heard reports of farmers selling their babies to child traffickers in exchange for food.
Two-tier system
But the problems that the Burmese face go much deeper than just a lack of money. There is a huge disparity between those allied to the ruling elite and the rest of the population - a distinction which permeates every aspect of day-to-day life.
For many goods, there is a two-tier pricing system. If you know someone influential, you can buy at the government price.
If not, you have to resort to the black market, which is at least twice as expensive.
One of the hottest properties at the moment is a telephone. The black market price is about $3,000 - way beyond most people's means.
Petrol is another commodity where the black market reigns supreme. An ordinary citizen is only allowed two gallons (nine litres) per day at the government price - and even then, queuing can sometimes take hours.
But there always seems to be plenty of petrol at the many black market stands throughout the country. "We're being robbed," one man said.
This climate of semi-official corruption has become so entrenched that whole swathes of the population earn their living from it.
To send a letter, you need to find a friendly "agent" who will make sure it is not pocketed by a postal worker. If you want to avoid paying constant traffic fines, or your child to do well at school, it is vital to know the right people and pay the right price.
Strange decrees
Burma's military rulers make their presence felt in other ways, too. Permission needs to be sought for almost every aspect of life.
"Everything I do is restricted," one man said. "Where I go, what I do, who I see... The authorities even have to give permission if I want anyone to stay the night."
The media, too, is heavily censored. "You only see two colours on TV - orange (for the Buddhist religion) and green (for the military)," said a former television employee.
The government is also unpredictable, and many people fall foul of policies that seem to change at whim.
"One minute farmers are told to grow potatoes to export to India," said a local NGO worker. "The next minute the authorities won't allow it, and all that investment has been wasted."
The latest government campaign is an initiative to grow nut trees, not only as a source of bio fuel but also because government fortune-tellers believe they will shore up the military's power.
Other government decisions, though, are far more sinister. Groups such as the International Labour Organization claim that the Burmese junta continues to use forced labour for its often ambitious construction projects.
Sometimes villagers are even thought to be co-opted as "porters" by the military, many being maimed or killed by landmines as they are made to trek through conflict areas ahead of the soldiers.
Despite living under one of the most draconian regimes in the world, some Burmese people still manage to find time for life's pleasures.
I spoke to a man in his early 20s who, over the last few months, has been using the rare moments of electricity to charge batteries so he can watch the World Cup.
I can imagine him now, glued to a television screen, escaping for a few precious hours from the chaos around him.
The BBC's Kate McGeown has just returned from Burma, where she talked to people about life under its repressive military regime. In the first of a series of articles, she gives her impressions of a nation the international community seems at a loss to know what to do with.
As I stepped down from the plane onto Burmese soil, my head full of warnings about spies watching my every move, I was pleasantly surprised to find friendly faces rushing to greet me.
"Thank you so much for coming," said an elderly man, smiling through betel-stained teeth.
Where was the Orwellian nightmare I had been warned about? Where were the police ready to cart me off to jail because they had found out I was a journalist?
The sun was shining, the people were open and friendly... it seemed like any other Asian country. I found it hard not to wonder what all the fuss was about.
But it did not take long to find evidence of Burma's darker side.
Barely 20 minutes along the main highway from the airport, I saw a road leading off to the right that was completely shut off by heavily-armed police.
The tight security was not surprising, given that the road led to the home of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, whose term of house arrest had been extended just days before my arrival.
Local people never mention Ms Suu Kyi by name - they just call her The Lady, a term of deference towards a woman whom many Burmese, probably the vast majority, believe is the rightful leader of their nation.
Despite spending more than 10 of the last 17 years as a prisoner, she remains the main symbol of resistance against the military regime that has ruled Burma for four decades, and which often uses fear and intimidation to keep people in line.
Gossip
Against this backdrop, Burma's 50 million citizens carry on with their daily lives as best they can.
Down the road from Aung San Suu Kyi's house, the people of Rangoon queue for the city's crowded buses, huddle in shops with working generators during the frequent power cuts or play their own version of the Thai national lottery.
Then they do what all Burmese do, and stop in one of the many teashops to gossip about the weather and the football.
But that does not mean that their anger at the military regime has disappeared. If you talk to someone about their life, any veneer of contentment will usually evaporate.
One day, as we drove past a peaceful rural scene of villagers ploughing paddy fields with their oxen, I asked my taxi driver for his views on the political situation.
He had been singing a song to himself, but his face suddenly turned red and angry, and he said: "I hate the people who rule this country. My hatred of the government knows no bounds."
In fact he got so upset that we had to stop the car so he could calm down.
Another man became equally animated when I asked him about the secret military informants who lurk around ever corner.
"They're like a virus - a disease ripping this country apart," he said. "They are everywhere, and they see everything we do.
"So many of my friends have been caught and jailed over the years - some for doing hardly anything. So many lives have been ruined."
Speaking out
It is hardly surprising that emotions run so high.
I was only in Burma for a short time, but I quickly found out how uncomfortable it is to be under surveillance - albeit by a somewhat amateur spy.
On my first day, a man walked into the lobby of my hotel and pretended to read a newspaper near where I was sitting.
He did not turn the page for 20 minutes, but the real giveaway was that the paper - a week-old copy of The Straits Times - was upside-down.
Despite the obvious personal risks of talking to a foreigner, many Burmese people were still willing to put aside their fears and share their lives with me.
They told me about their healthcare system, their schools, their views on the government and the extraordinary decision to move the country's capital to what was, until a few years ago, a rural backwater.
One day a tour guide showing me round one of the Burma's many pagodas turned to me and whispered: "Please let other people know what it's like for us here. We need the outside world to understand."
In this series of articles, I will do my best to answer his request.
As I stepped down from the plane onto Burmese soil, my head full of warnings about spies watching my every move, I was pleasantly surprised to find friendly faces rushing to greet me.
"Thank you so much for coming," said an elderly man, smiling through betel-stained teeth.
Where was the Orwellian nightmare I had been warned about? Where were the police ready to cart me off to jail because they had found out I was a journalist?
The sun was shining, the people were open and friendly... it seemed like any other Asian country. I found it hard not to wonder what all the fuss was about.
But it did not take long to find evidence of Burma's darker side.
Barely 20 minutes along the main highway from the airport, I saw a road leading off to the right that was completely shut off by heavily-armed police.
The tight security was not surprising, given that the road led to the home of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, whose term of house arrest had been extended just days before my arrival.
Local people never mention Ms Suu Kyi by name - they just call her The Lady, a term of deference towards a woman whom many Burmese, probably the vast majority, believe is the rightful leader of their nation.
Despite spending more than 10 of the last 17 years as a prisoner, she remains the main symbol of resistance against the military regime that has ruled Burma for four decades, and which often uses fear and intimidation to keep people in line.
Gossip
Against this backdrop, Burma's 50 million citizens carry on with their daily lives as best they can.
Down the road from Aung San Suu Kyi's house, the people of Rangoon queue for the city's crowded buses, huddle in shops with working generators during the frequent power cuts or play their own version of the Thai national lottery.
Then they do what all Burmese do, and stop in one of the many teashops to gossip about the weather and the football.
But that does not mean that their anger at the military regime has disappeared. If you talk to someone about their life, any veneer of contentment will usually evaporate.
One day, as we drove past a peaceful rural scene of villagers ploughing paddy fields with their oxen, I asked my taxi driver for his views on the political situation.
He had been singing a song to himself, but his face suddenly turned red and angry, and he said: "I hate the people who rule this country. My hatred of the government knows no bounds."
In fact he got so upset that we had to stop the car so he could calm down.
Another man became equally animated when I asked him about the secret military informants who lurk around ever corner.
"They're like a virus - a disease ripping this country apart," he said. "They are everywhere, and they see everything we do.
"So many of my friends have been caught and jailed over the years - some for doing hardly anything. So many lives have been ruined."
Speaking out
It is hardly surprising that emotions run so high.
I was only in Burma for a short time, but I quickly found out how uncomfortable it is to be under surveillance - albeit by a somewhat amateur spy.
On my first day, a man walked into the lobby of my hotel and pretended to read a newspaper near where I was sitting.
He did not turn the page for 20 minutes, but the real giveaway was that the paper - a week-old copy of The Straits Times - was upside-down.
Despite the obvious personal risks of talking to a foreigner, many Burmese people were still willing to put aside their fears and share their lives with me.
They told me about their healthcare system, their schools, their views on the government and the extraordinary decision to move the country's capital to what was, until a few years ago, a rural backwater.
One day a tour guide showing me round one of the Burma's many pagodas turned to me and whispered: "Please let other people know what it's like for us here. We need the outside world to understand."
In this series of articles, I will do my best to answer his request.
Here are the "Main Players" in the military junta in Burma:
Than Shwe
Senior General Than Shwe, 73, is the head of the ruling junta and controls the army. He is the most hard-line leader, strongly opposed to allowing any political role for opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
After working in the Burmese postal service, Than Shwe joined the army at the age of 20 and his career included a stint in the department of psychological warfare.
He has acted as Burma's head of state since 1992, and was initially seen as more relaxed than his predecessor, General Saw Maung. Some political prisoners have been released, and human rights groups were allowed to visit Burma.
But he continues to suppress all dissent, and oversaw the re-arrest of Aung San Suu Kyi in 2003.
He is said to be superstitious and to regularly seek the advice of astrologers.
Maung Aye
Maung Aye is also a career soldier and the second most powerful man in the country.
He is believed to have established strong ties with Burma's many drug lords in the Golden Triangle while operating as a colonel in the late 1970s and 80s, before he joined the military leadership in 1993.
He has a reputation for ruthlessness and xenophobia, and is also staunchly opposed to allowing Aung San Suu Kyi any future role.
He is also rumoured to be a hard drinker.
Soe Win
Lieutenant General Soe Win, 58, is seen a hard-line operator with close links to Than Shwe. He succeeded Khin Nyunt as prime minister in 2004.
Some diplomats and dissidents believe that, as a key figure in the Union Solidarity and Development Association - the civilian wing of the junta - he was behind a bloody attack on Aung San Suu Kyi's convoy in the north of the country last year, which led to the opposition leader being taken back into house arrest.
Earlier in his career, he commanded an infantry division which helped crush the democracy party in 1988 following Aung San Suu Kyi's overwhelming victory in national elections.
He joined the Defence Service Academy in 1965, and quickly worked his way up through the military ranks. He joined the junta in 1997, and was appointed as Secretary-2 of the council in February 2003, and Secretary-1 in August of the same year, replacing Khin Nyunt, who became prime minister.
Than Shwe
Senior General Than Shwe, 73, is the head of the ruling junta and controls the army. He is the most hard-line leader, strongly opposed to allowing any political role for opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
After working in the Burmese postal service, Than Shwe joined the army at the age of 20 and his career included a stint in the department of psychological warfare.
He has acted as Burma's head of state since 1992, and was initially seen as more relaxed than his predecessor, General Saw Maung. Some political prisoners have been released, and human rights groups were allowed to visit Burma.
But he continues to suppress all dissent, and oversaw the re-arrest of Aung San Suu Kyi in 2003.
He is said to be superstitious and to regularly seek the advice of astrologers.
Maung Aye
Maung Aye is also a career soldier and the second most powerful man in the country.
He is believed to have established strong ties with Burma's many drug lords in the Golden Triangle while operating as a colonel in the late 1970s and 80s, before he joined the military leadership in 1993.
He has a reputation for ruthlessness and xenophobia, and is also staunchly opposed to allowing Aung San Suu Kyi any future role.
He is also rumoured to be a hard drinker.
Soe Win
Lieutenant General Soe Win, 58, is seen a hard-line operator with close links to Than Shwe. He succeeded Khin Nyunt as prime minister in 2004.
Some diplomats and dissidents believe that, as a key figure in the Union Solidarity and Development Association - the civilian wing of the junta - he was behind a bloody attack on Aung San Suu Kyi's convoy in the north of the country last year, which led to the opposition leader being taken back into house arrest.
Earlier in his career, he commanded an infantry division which helped crush the democracy party in 1988 following Aung San Suu Kyi's overwhelming victory in national elections.
He joined the Defence Service Academy in 1965, and quickly worked his way up through the military ranks. He joined the junta in 1997, and was appointed as Secretary-2 of the council in February 2003, and Secretary-1 in August of the same year, replacing Khin Nyunt, who became prime minister.
Junta breaks up rare Burma rally
Supporters of Burma's military junta have broken up protests against the doubling of fuel prices.
About 200 people marched in Rangoon in the rare demonstration, but dispersed after a number were bundled into cars and driven away.
A similar protest was held on Sunday, the largest such rally in a decade.
The junta arrested at least 13 activists before Wednesday's protest, including some of the nation's most prominent dissidents.
Veteran leaders
The latest protest took place on the northern outskirts of Rangoon.
The demonstrators, most of them women, were cheered by onlookers as they marched in defiance of the junta's strict controls on protests.
88 GENERATION STUDENTS
Group of former student activists in Burma
Named after the 1988 uprising, which was brutally crushed by the military
Key members have suffered long prison terms
"We are marching to highlight the economic hardship that Myanmar (Burma) people are facing now, which has been exacerbated by the fuel price hike," one protester told the Associated Press news agency.
Their path was blocked by supporters of the junta and plain-clothed officers, witnesses said, and the rally dispersed as up to 10 demonstrators were bundled into cars and driven off.
Last week's fuel price rises left many people struggling to find the money to travel to work.
Sunday's protest against the move had involved veteran leaders of the so-called 88 Generation Students group.
Many taxis and buses did not run after the price rises
The group was at the forefront of the 1988 pro-democracy uprising that was violently put down by the military.
Seven top leaders of the group were among the activists arrested this week.
They include Min Ko Naing and Ko Ko Gyi - some of Burma's most prominent dissidents after Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi.
Burma's state media said the activists had been arrested for "undermining stability and the security of the nation".
The BBC's South-East Asia correspondent, Jonathan Head, says there have been several small demonstrations since February focusing on growing hardships as the economy declines under the impact of international sanctions and government mismanagement.
The latest rallies are by far the largest and our correspondent says the prospect of economic protests linking up with the 1988 veterans would be especially alarming to the military government.
It was this combination of factors that led to the near overthrow of the military regime during that first uprising 19 years ago.
On Monday the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) warned there could be further protests and security was stepped up in Rangoon.
The NLD's leader, 62-year-old Ms Suu Kyi, has spent most of the past 17 years under house arrest.
The NLD won landmark elections in 1990 but the junta never recognised the result.
Supporters of Burma's military junta have broken up protests against the doubling of fuel prices.
About 200 people marched in Rangoon in the rare demonstration, but dispersed after a number were bundled into cars and driven away.
A similar protest was held on Sunday, the largest such rally in a decade.
The junta arrested at least 13 activists before Wednesday's protest, including some of the nation's most prominent dissidents.
Veteran leaders
The latest protest took place on the northern outskirts of Rangoon.
The demonstrators, most of them women, were cheered by onlookers as they marched in defiance of the junta's strict controls on protests.
88 GENERATION STUDENTS
Group of former student activists in Burma
Named after the 1988 uprising, which was brutally crushed by the military
Key members have suffered long prison terms
"We are marching to highlight the economic hardship that Myanmar (Burma) people are facing now, which has been exacerbated by the fuel price hike," one protester told the Associated Press news agency.
Their path was blocked by supporters of the junta and plain-clothed officers, witnesses said, and the rally dispersed as up to 10 demonstrators were bundled into cars and driven off.
Last week's fuel price rises left many people struggling to find the money to travel to work.
Sunday's protest against the move had involved veteran leaders of the so-called 88 Generation Students group.
Many taxis and buses did not run after the price rises
The group was at the forefront of the 1988 pro-democracy uprising that was violently put down by the military.
Seven top leaders of the group were among the activists arrested this week.
They include Min Ko Naing and Ko Ko Gyi - some of Burma's most prominent dissidents after Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi.
Burma's state media said the activists had been arrested for "undermining stability and the security of the nation".
The BBC's South-East Asia correspondent, Jonathan Head, says there have been several small demonstrations since February focusing on growing hardships as the economy declines under the impact of international sanctions and government mismanagement.
The latest rallies are by far the largest and our correspondent says the prospect of economic protests linking up with the 1988 veterans would be especially alarming to the military government.
It was this combination of factors that led to the near overthrow of the military regime during that first uprising 19 years ago.
On Monday the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) warned there could be further protests and security was stepped up in Rangoon.
The NLD's leader, 62-year-old Ms Suu Kyi, has spent most of the past 17 years under house arrest.
The NLD won landmark elections in 1990 but the junta never recognised the result.
Myanmar arrests dissidents, halts fuel protests
YANGON (Reuters) - Myanmar's military junta arrested 13 top dissidents and deployed gangs of spade-wielding supporters on the streets of Yangon on Wednesday to halt protests against soaring fuel prices and falling living standards.
Armed police also took up positions across the country's biggest city alongside truckloads of men from the army's feared Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA). Many were carrying brooms and shovels, pretending to be road sweepers.
Despite the clampdown and the overnight arrest of the prominent activists, 100 people staged an hour-long march before being dispersed. Five women and a man were arrested, although there was no violence, witnesses told Reuters.
"Onlookers applauded but failed to join the march," one said.
In a rare announcement in all state-run newspapers, the junta said the 13 had been arrested for "agitation to cause civil unrest" and "undermining peace and security of the state," charges that could put them in jail for up to 20 years.
Min Ko Naing, Ko Ko Gyi, Min Zeya, Ko Jimmy, Ko Pyone Cho, Arnt Bwe Kyaw and Ko Mya Aye -- all leaders of a 1988 student-led uprising crushed by the military with heavy loss of life -- were among those named. Friends and relatives confirmed the arrests.
Min Ko Naing, Myanmar's second-most prominent political figure after detained Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, was released in November 2004 after 15 years in jail. He was re-arrested in September for four more months.
"Military intelligence and government intelligence seized their houses and searched their houses," another dissident, Htay Kywe, said in a recording e-mailed to Reuters by Myanmar exile groups in neighboring Thailand.
Government agents had taken papers and mobile phones, added Htay Kywe, who had managed to evade capture during a raid on his home and had gone into hiding, one of the exile groups said.
TORTURE FEARS
The swoop came ahead of a planned protest on Wednesday against last week's shock hikes in fuel prices, the latest in a rare series of demonstrations against deteriorating living conditions and galloping inflation in the former Burma.
The Washington-based U.S. Campaign for Burma said it feared for the safety of the detainees, especially Min Ko Naing, winner of U.S., Canadian and European human rights awards.
"Min Ko Naing and the other leaders arrested have all been severely tortured during previous incarcerations and we are gravely concerned for their immediate well-being," policy director Aung Din said in a statement.
Min Ko Naing's 88 Generation Students Group led a march on Sunday tapping into public anger at the 500 percent rise in the price of compressed natural gas -- a hike that came without warning and brought Yangon's bus networks to a standstill.
Myanmar has some of Asia's largest natural gas reserves and has just decided to export production of two major fields worth billions of dollars to China.
Min Ko Naing -- a Burmese nom de guerre meaning "conqueror of kings" -- was not linked to Wednesday's protest planned by Ko Htin Kyaw, an activist already arrested four times this year.
The world's biggest rice exporter when it won independence from Britain in 1948, Myanmar is now one of Asia's poorest countries after 45 years of unbroken military rule.
Aung San Suu Kyi, 62, has been in prison or under house arrest for much of the past 17 years. Human rights groups and the United Nations say as many as 1,100 others are behind bars for their political beliefs.
Despite the clampdown and the overnight arrest of the prominent activists, 100 people staged an hour-long march before being dispersed. Five women and a man were arrested, although there was no violence, witnesses told Reuters.
"Onlookers applauded but failed to join the march," one said.
In a rare announcement in all state-run newspapers, the junta said the 13 had been arrested for "agitation to cause civil unrest" and "undermining peace and security of the state," charges that could put them in jail for up to 20 years.
Min Ko Naing, Ko Ko Gyi, Min Zeya, Ko Jimmy, Ko Pyone Cho, Arnt Bwe Kyaw and Ko Mya Aye -- all leaders of a 1988 student-led uprising crushed by the military with heavy loss of life -- were among those named. Friends and relatives confirmed the arrests.
Min Ko Naing, Myanmar's second-most prominent political figure after detained Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, was released in November 2004 after 15 years in jail. He was re-arrested in September for four more months.
"Military intelligence and government intelligence seized their houses and searched their houses," another dissident, Htay Kywe, said in a recording e-mailed to Reuters by Myanmar exile groups in neighboring Thailand.
Government agents had taken papers and mobile phones, added Htay Kywe, who had managed to evade capture during a raid on his home and had gone into hiding, one of the exile groups said.
TORTURE FEARS
The swoop came ahead of a planned protest on Wednesday against last week's shock hikes in fuel prices, the latest in a rare series of demonstrations against deteriorating living conditions and galloping inflation in the former Burma.
The Washington-based U.S. Campaign for Burma said it feared for the safety of the detainees, especially Min Ko Naing, winner of U.S., Canadian and European human rights awards.
"Min Ko Naing and the other leaders arrested have all been severely tortured during previous incarcerations and we are gravely concerned for their immediate well-being," policy director Aung Din said in a statement.
Min Ko Naing's 88 Generation Students Group led a march on Sunday tapping into public anger at the 500 percent rise in the price of compressed natural gas -- a hike that came without warning and brought Yangon's bus networks to a standstill.
Myanmar has some of Asia's largest natural gas reserves and has just decided to export production of two major fields worth billions of dollars to China.
Min Ko Naing -- a Burmese nom de guerre meaning "conqueror of kings" -- was not linked to Wednesday's protest planned by Ko Htin Kyaw, an activist already arrested four times this year.
The world's biggest rice exporter when it won independence from Britain in 1948, Myanmar is now one of Asia's poorest countries after 45 years of unbroken military rule.
Aung San Suu Kyi, 62, has been in prison or under house arrest for much of the past 17 years. Human rights groups and the United Nations say as many as 1,100 others are behind bars for their political beliefs.
Saturday, July 14
Thursday, May 17
Nuclear Burma?
Excerpted from The Economist.
"To anyone who has strolled the streets of Yangon, Myanmar’s capital, and spotted the grim-looking government building devoted to atomic energy, this seems a most unlikely turn of events. But on Tuesday May 15th Russia announced that it would help the south-east Asian country’s ruling junta to set up a nuclear research reactor. Myanmar—once called Burma—had reportedly tried to strike a similar deal with Russia before, but the plan stalled over payment. Now Myanmar, flush with an annual trade surplus (the country is well endowed with natural resources, like oil), says it will pay cash, and Russia has accepted.
"...The plan is to build a 10 megawatt nuclear reactor that uses low enriched uranium. The centre would, reportedly, be under the control of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), the UN’s nuclear watchdog. This is a long step from getting the means or the knowledge for building a bomb, but it is enough to spread jitters.
"...What America or others will do about Myanmar’s putative research programme is unclear. Putting nuclear materials in the hands of unstable regimes, or unpredictable dictators, seems far from a good idea. An American decision to provide the technology, in the 1950s, for a nuclear reactor in Kinshasa, in Congo, (in gratitude for uranium supplied by Congo to America for use in the bombing of Hiroshima in 1945), proved to be less than sensible. Nuclear-fuel rods were stolen in the 1970s and then traded by Italian smugglers, raising fears that terrorists could get their hands on such material.
"As in Congo, where a dictator was unable to ensure the secure storage of the nuclear material, or as in North Korea, where a dictator seems keen to develop nuclear weapons, the lesson for Russia over Myanmar should be clear: spreading nuclear technology to troubled countries is a bad idea."
RB
Siang Hope To America!
I heard from Pasiang yesterday and Lord willing, he will be in America for a short tour this summer. He will be studying how to teach ESL (English as a Second Language) at ITLI in Tulsa, OK. He also hopes to visit his uncle in Atlanta GA while he is in the US.
I'm hoping we can get him down here on July 4th for our local festivities.
I heard from Pasiang yesterday and Lord willing, he will be in America for a short tour this summer. He will be studying how to teach ESL (English as a Second Language) at ITLI in Tulsa, OK. He also hopes to visit his uncle in Atlanta GA while he is in the US.
I'm hoping we can get him down here on July 4th for our local festivities.
Tuesday, May 15
Update Letter From Myanmar
Posted at Full Bible Update.
Note that Mikali has been found
Support Mission to Myanmar
RB
Posted at Full Bible Update.
Note that Mikali has been found
Support Mission to Myanmar
RB
Thursday, May 10
Friday, May 4
Saturday, December 30
Myanmar's convention goes into recess
Saturday, December 30, 2006 at 07:41 EST
YANGON — Myanmar's constitution-drafting "National Convention," which resumed Oct 10, went into recess Friday after more than 10 weeks of deliberations.
Lt Gen Thein Sein, chairman of the National Convention Convening Commission and secretary of the ruling junta, said the convention will be adjourned until "a time convenient for the delegates," according to one delegate.
© 2006 Kyodo News.
Saturday, December 30, 2006 at 07:41 EST
YANGON — Myanmar's constitution-drafting "National Convention," which resumed Oct 10, went into recess Friday after more than 10 weeks of deliberations.
Lt Gen Thein Sein, chairman of the National Convention Convening Commission and secretary of the ruling junta, said the convention will be adjourned until "a time convenient for the delegates," according to one delegate.
© 2006 Kyodo News.
Monday, December 11
Dear Dr. Bacon,
Greetings in the name of our Saviour Jesus Christ.
I received your email for which I thank you very much.
The children are all well and looking forward with great expectations to Yule-tide and the New Year.
Regarding the girl who ran away, she is still missing and Rev. Moses is still looking for her, together with Rev. Joel in India.
The situation and conditions at present here in Tahan can be described as "White Knuckle." So, the answer to your paramount question is: It would be better for you not to come to us yet. We will keep in touch with you and inform you about further developments.
May God bless your ministry.
Waiting for yours reply, I remain
On behalf of NLO MM,
Yours sincerely in Christ Jesus.
Alan G. Richardson.
Greetings in the name of our Saviour Jesus Christ.
I received your email for which I thank you very much.
The children are all well and looking forward with great expectations to Yule-tide and the New Year.
Regarding the girl who ran away, she is still missing and Rev. Moses is still looking for her, together with Rev. Joel in India.
The situation and conditions at present here in Tahan can be described as "White Knuckle." So, the answer to your paramount question is: It would be better for you not to come to us yet. We will keep in touch with you and inform you about further developments.
May God bless your ministry.
Waiting for yours reply, I remain
On behalf of NLO MM,
Yours sincerely in Christ Jesus.
Alan G. Richardson.
It has been a hectic month in Myanmar. On October 30th one of the 15yo girls at the orphanage ran away. She left a note asking that nobody come looking for her.
Rev. Moses is in India looking for her. He and our old friend Joel Raldokhuma are looking together everywhere she has ever been known to be. But so far to no avail.
Please pray for her (Mikali). Burma can be a very dangerous place and this is considered to be a "white knuckle" time.
Rev. Moses is in India looking for her. He and our old friend Joel Raldokhuma are looking together everywhere she has ever been known to be. But so far to no avail.
Please pray for her (Mikali). Burma can be a very dangerous place and this is considered to be a "white knuckle" time.
Friday, November 3
Missing Reformation:
Psalm 74:9-11; Psalm 75:1; Psalm 76:1-2; Judges 16:20
Topics: Church; church government; reformation
Tags:
Delivered: October 29, 2006
Introduction
Psalm 74 is a sort of "brother Psalm" to Psalm 79. However, more likely during Hezekiah’s day than Nebuchadnezzar’s destruction of Jerusalem. In vv.9-11 the author asks for God-given tokens of His presence and power.
Three Key Things Missing
The Lord doing great things for us:
Psalm 75:1; 76:1-2
The Word of God preached in power among us.
• Not polished oratory, but to the saving of men’s souls and equipping them for service
• 1 Cor. 2:4
• 1 Thess. 1:5
• 1 Pet. 1:12
• Hebrews 2:4 <-- Key passage for understanding
Powerful answers to prayer
• Psalm 107:1-9
• Acts 4:23ff
• Psalm 28:1
• Note Herod at beginning and then at end of Acts 12, exp. vv. 24-25
The Church Seems Oblivious To This
• Judges 16:20 "and he wist not that the Lord was departed from him."
Our first job is to become convinced that something is wrong
Today most people in the church "wist not"
People in the cemetary commit no actual sins, but their lives are historically irrelevant today. Formality and correctness in the church is not vitality.
We Must Note The Connection Between Family Government And Church Government
• Church Government begins in the family. 1 Tim. 3:1-7
• Church reformation must be based upon family reformation.
• Weak family -> weak elders -> weak church
• The church needs warriors, but these warriors will be trained by masculine, heroic fathers and pastors, not by the seeker-friendly, the feminized, or the fearful (Rev. 21:8).
• Question we must ask ourselves: "What would we do if we were not afraid?"
Samson’s Dalliance With Sin Is Legendary. Judges 16
• Note that prior to v. 20, there were three times that Samson "got away" with flirting with Delilah but did not lose his strength.
• Psalm 66:18. We must live watchful, careful, circumspect lives that arise from daily personal and family worship.
• One reason men compromise at church or at work is that they have already compromised at home.
A Godly And Manly Ministry
• This is something a seminary cannot actually provide
• It requires mature Christian character and virtue
• It requires a man who loves God’s law and directs his life and the life of the church according to that law
• The very concept of ministry needs to be recast in biblical terms, e.g. the pastor has only one of the ministries of the church, and a good part of that ministry is to equip others for their ministries.
The Church Must Stop Placing Itself At Odds With The Family
• The pastor should be primarily concerned with training the men of the church and then they take it to their families and the rest of the world.
• Women’s ministries:
• If the older women can teach the younger women to love their husbands and children (Titus 2:3-5), without becoming busy-bodies (1 Tim. 5:13-15), then fine.
• The primary approach will be for men to teach their wives
The Home Must Not Place Itself At Odds With The Church, Either
• The family elder (husband/father) is not necessarily an ecclesiastical elder and should not attempt to usurp authority.
• A true church (technically) can have the formality of what our reformers required, yet lack the vitality.
• We want healthy churches.
• When women do not respect the office of pastor, it is usually because (or a sign that) they do not respect their husband’s authority either.
Richard Bacon, Sermon File, Ps 74:9-11.
Psalm 74:9-11; Psalm 75:1; Psalm 76:1-2; Judges 16:20
Topics: Church; church government; reformation
Tags:
Delivered: October 29, 2006
Introduction
Psalm 74 is a sort of "brother Psalm" to Psalm 79. However, more likely during Hezekiah’s day than Nebuchadnezzar’s destruction of Jerusalem. In vv.9-11 the author asks for God-given tokens of His presence and power.
Three Key Things Missing
The Lord doing great things for us:
Psalm 75:1; 76:1-2
The Word of God preached in power among us.
• Not polished oratory, but to the saving of men’s souls and equipping them for service
• 1 Cor. 2:4
• 1 Thess. 1:5
• 1 Pet. 1:12
• Hebrews 2:4 <-- Key passage for understanding
Powerful answers to prayer
• Psalm 107:1-9
• Acts 4:23ff
• Psalm 28:1
• Note Herod at beginning and then at end of Acts 12, exp. vv. 24-25
The Church Seems Oblivious To This
• Judges 16:20 "and he wist not that the Lord was departed from him."
Our first job is to become convinced that something is wrong
Today most people in the church "wist not"
People in the cemetary commit no actual sins, but their lives are historically irrelevant today. Formality and correctness in the church is not vitality.
We Must Note The Connection Between Family Government And Church Government
• Church Government begins in the family. 1 Tim. 3:1-7
• Church reformation must be based upon family reformation.
• Weak family -> weak elders -> weak church
• The church needs warriors, but these warriors will be trained by masculine, heroic fathers and pastors, not by the seeker-friendly, the feminized, or the fearful (Rev. 21:8).
• Question we must ask ourselves: "What would we do if we were not afraid?"
Samson’s Dalliance With Sin Is Legendary. Judges 16
• Note that prior to v. 20, there were three times that Samson "got away" with flirting with Delilah but did not lose his strength.
• Psalm 66:18. We must live watchful, careful, circumspect lives that arise from daily personal and family worship.
• One reason men compromise at church or at work is that they have already compromised at home.
A Godly And Manly Ministry
• This is something a seminary cannot actually provide
• It requires mature Christian character and virtue
• It requires a man who loves God’s law and directs his life and the life of the church according to that law
• The very concept of ministry needs to be recast in biblical terms, e.g. the pastor has only one of the ministries of the church, and a good part of that ministry is to equip others for their ministries.
The Church Must Stop Placing Itself At Odds With The Family
• The pastor should be primarily concerned with training the men of the church and then they take it to their families and the rest of the world.
• Women’s ministries:
• If the older women can teach the younger women to love their husbands and children (Titus 2:3-5), without becoming busy-bodies (1 Tim. 5:13-15), then fine.
• The primary approach will be for men to teach their wives
The Home Must Not Place Itself At Odds With The Church, Either
• The family elder (husband/father) is not necessarily an ecclesiastical elder and should not attempt to usurp authority.
• A true church (technically) can have the formality of what our reformers required, yet lack the vitality.
• We want healthy churches.
• When women do not respect the office of pastor, it is usually because (or a sign that) they do not respect their husband’s authority either.
Richard Bacon, Sermon File, Ps 74:9-11.
Thursday, October 19
It has been some time since I posted anything to this blog (10 months or more). During that time I have made another trip to Myanmar and the hostel was nearly finished at that time. It is likely completely finished by now. Here is a picture of the hostel when it was "mostly finished" last February. The bricklayers were able to show some of the older children of the orphanage the keys behind laying bricks and actually trained them to a certain extent in the art. This is what the Burmese refer to as "brick nogging" construction. The bricks are laid out between 4x4 posts. Then the entire thing is covered with cement or plaster. The person standing on the bridge to the hostel is Rev. Moses Dawnga. The water is illuminated in the evening hours to attract insects. The fish in the pond then eat the insects and the children eat the fish. Extra fish are sold at the market as a "cash crop." The intention is for the mission eventually to become self-supporting.
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